Richard Velleman is Professor of Mental Health Research and Director of the Mental Health Research and Development Unit (MHRDU, Wessex House, Level 7, University of Bath, Bath BA2 7AY, UK. Email: R.D.B.Velleman{at}Bath.ac.uk), a joint unit of Avon & Wiltshire Mental Health Partnership (AWP) NHS Trust and the University of Bath. A clinical psychologist, Richard has set up statutory addictions services, helped develop the families and psychosis service within AWP and worked as an NHS trust board director. He has undertaken numerous research projects and published very widely, especially on the impact of addiction in families. Lorna Templeton is deputy manager and a senior researcher at the MHRDU, where she also manages the alcohol, drugs and the family research programme. Lorna has chaired and is a current committee member of the New Directions in the Study of Alcohol Group, and is a committee member of the Addictions Forum and of Alcohol Concerns Children and Families Forum. She has worked in the research field since the early 1990s, having worked previously at the National Addiction Centre in London and the Addiction Research Foundation in Toronto, Canada.
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The situation as far as illegal drugs is concerned, although not so dire, is also problematic (Velleman & Templeton, 2005b). In 2000, a government survey in England and Wales found that about 13% of men and 8% of women (aged between 16 and 75) reported using illegal drugs in the previous year (Office for National Statistics, 2001). Many more of these were aged 2040 than 4075, and more men than women reported using. The number of problem drug users in the UK is hard to estimate, but the same survey suggested that the prevalence of drug dependence was 37 per 1000 people aged between 16 and 75 (which is exactly half of the prevalence found for alcohol dependence). For 20- to 24-year-olds, however, the rate rose to 94 per 1000 for women and 199 per 1000 for men (i.e. nearly 10% of all women in this age group and nearly 20% of all men).
Almost 4 million people in the 1665 age group in the UK are dependent on alcohol and/or drugs. Assuming (conservatively) that every substance misuser will negatively affect at least two of their close family, this suggests that about 8 million family members (spouses, children, parents, siblings) in the UK are living with the negative consequences of someone elses drug or alcohol misuse. These numbers apply to those dependent on alcohol or illicit drugs. They exclude the more than 9 million people who drink at hazardous or risky levels, and the resultant 18 million family members potentially affected by them. Also excluded are people who take drugs at sufficiently risky levels to threaten their familys well-being. These exclusions are important: the fact is that most problems resulting from substance misuse (whether for the user or for their family) are not caused by people who are seriously dependent or addicted. Most problem drinking or drug-taking is done by people who use alcohol or drugs inappropriately or in an unsafe or hazardous manner. In this article problem use is defined as any that causes problems to the person doing it or to someone else.
Problem drinking and drug-taking are worldwide phenomena; and many people who use substances in problematic ways are also parents. Their behaviour, therefore, can have significant consequences for their children, either through its effect on the family as a whole or on the child directly (Copello et al, 2005).
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Box 1
outlines the common structures and functions within the family that are often disrupted by alcohol or drug misuse. Box 2
describes some of the common negative experiences that children and adolescents may have when living with a parent with a substance misuse problem. These and other disruptions can have a strong impact on children at all stages of their development, placing them at risk of developing a wide range of problems (Box 3
). Many children affected by problem substance use within the family environment will reach the attention of social services because of concerns regarding child protection (Forrester & Harwin, 2004). The issues outlined in Boxes 2
and 3
relate to both alcohol and drug misuse, but additional problems can arise when the parent misuses illicit drugs. These include the illegal nature of drug misuse, the modes of ingestion, the links to crime, the use of the family home for groups of people to take drugs (drug misuse is more likely to be a home-based activity), and the even stronger links with poverty, unemployment and social deprivation.
Box 1 Structures and functions within the family often disrupted by alcohol or drug misuse
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Box 2 Negative experiences of children and adolescents living with parental substance misuse1
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| Box 3 Negative effects of living with a parent with a substance misuse problem1 Children Children who have the experiences outlined in Box 2 often subsequently demonstrate their negative effects, including higher levels of:
They also tend to have a more difficult transition from childhood to adolescence and increased likelihood of being referred to social services because of child protection concerns Adolescents Two common patterns often emerge:
Adulthood
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Factors in parents lives and relationships have the potential to exacerbate the problems summarised in Boxes 1
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(Cleaver et al, 1999; Velleman & Orford, 1999; McKeganey et al, 2002). These factors, which are summarised in Box 4
, have a cumulative effect: the more that are present, the higher the risk of negative outcomes.
| Box 4 Risk factors leading to generally worse outcomes General factors
Substance-specific factors
Drug-related factors
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Evidence for resilience
There is considerable evidence that children can grow up in all sorts of difficult circumstances (not just with substance misuse) without developing significant problems. This research is not confined to children in families in which there are substance misuse problems: it seems to be a general finding (e.g. Gilligan, 2000; Friedman & Chase-Lansdale, 2002; Newman, 2002; Luthar, 2003).
A study that followed 698 individuals from birth to the age of 35 allowed identification of protective factors in children exposed to challenging family environments as they grew up, and clarification of how these developed and changed through the life cycle (Werner, 1993). About 200 of the children were classified in a high-risk cohort typified by a disharmonious family environment (including parental alcoholism). A third of this cohort grew into competent, confident and caring young adults. None developed serious learning or behavioural problems in childhood or adolescence ... [They] succeeded in school, managed home and social life well, and expressed a strong desire to take advantage of whatever opportunity came their way (p. 504).
A number of studies have focused on the effects of parental alcohol misuse (Velleman & Orford, 1993a,b, 1999). One such study (Velleman & Orford, 1999) included 244 adults aged 1635 years; 164 were the children of problem drinkers; the remaining 80 formed a normal comparison group matched for age and recruitment source. It identified many of the risk factors shown in Box 4
for the offspring of problem drinkers, but many of the sample who had experienced a very deleterious upbringing seemed to be as well-functioning, happy and successful as those in the comparison group (p. 246).
Resilience and protective factors
Resilience should be conceptualised as a process, rather than a static trait and/or something solely internal to the individual (Rutter, 1987; Masten et al, 1990; Werner, 1993; Glantz & Johnson, 1999; Little et al, 2004). And as a process it is the product of an interaction between the individual and their social context: hence, it is potentially open to influence.
It is useful to distinguish between protective factors (which make it more likely that a child will develop resilience) and evidence that the child is being resilient. Resilience is self-perpetuating: behaving in a resilient way increases the probability of further resilient behaviour.
Protective factors and resilience have been identified in a number of studies, both general and specific to parental substance misuse (e.g. Werner, 1993; Velleman & Orford, 1999; Beinart et al, 2002; Bancroft et al, 2004). For example, Bancroft et al(2004) interviewed 37 young people aged 1527 who were children of substance-misusing parents, and found that a number of protective factors could lead to more resilient outcomes. These included support from school, immediate and extended family, and individuals and services outside of the family. It should not be thought, however, that this was easy to maintain. Although the participants in this study said that some support from immediate and extended family was obtainable and was certainly beneficial, they also said that longer-term, unconditional support was rare, and certainly nowhere near the level they needed or desired. Strategies used to deal with the misuse included escape (e.g. spending time in their room or going to visit friends) and challenging the user (although this latter was rarely successful). In common with participants in other studies (e.g. Velleman & Orford, 1999), the young people interviewed by Bancroft et al were helped to move on from their difficult pasts by their own actions: identifying goals and dreams and making them happen; making the most of education or work opportunities; moving away from their parents; and developing their lives through their own family and children. A central issue in their success was the feeling that they had choices and were in control of their lives.
A list of the protective factors and evidence of consequent resilience, gleaned from the studies we have reviewed, is given in Box 5
.
| Box 5 Protective factors and resilience Protective factors
Evidence of resilience that these protective factors encourage
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The key issue for resilience is the overcoming of psychological risk (Rutter, 1987; Friedman & Chase-Lansdale, 2002). Protective factors make it more likely that a child can overcome this risk because they provide a more positive setting. Resilience makes this more likely because it equips the child with a set of skills and feelings that enable him (or her) to be forward-looking and to bounce back from adversity.
It is also clear that developmental changes and stages, and interactions with other factors (such as gender, temperament, parentchild relationships, marital support, planning, school experiences and early parental loss) at key transition points in life, can have a particular impact on the development of resilience (Rutter, 1987; Werner, 1993; Cleaver et al, 1999).
Is resilience always positive?
A few notes of caution must be sounded in relation to resilience. All strategies have potential associated risk; their success or levels of benefit are by no means guaranteed. This means that the processes that allow young people to become resilient may not all be totally positive, either in the short or the long term. For example, strategies that are beneficial and effective for a young child may be harmful in the longer term (e.g. Velleman & Orford, 1999; Kroll & Taylor, 2003; Bancroft et al, 2004).
For example, strategies of detachment, avoidance and withdrawal such as those noted by Werner & Johnson (1999), who described detachment from family members whose domestic and emotional problems threaten to engulf them, are often very effective when used by a powerless child. However, they can result in attachment and relationship difficulties when these children grow older. Along the same lines, in the longitudinal study mentioned above, Werner (1993) noticed that some of the sample were detached from things and people: they had learned to keep the memories of their childhood adversities at bay by being in the world but not of it. Learning to get on with their own life may make people seem aloof or detached.
Not everyone can make use of each protective strategy. Although the research outlined above found the support of friends to be an important protective factor for young people, the same research reported that many individuals, particularly younger children, found it hard to make friends. Similarly, although many young people tended to leave home earlier than they otherwise might have done, wanting to escape and try to achieve independence, adulthood and normality, a number of these young people were left feeling that they had lost their childhood and youth, and some were at risk of developing their own problems (with substances, early pregnancy, housing difficulties, etc.)
The essence of resilience
Most people deal with adversity, on a greater or smaller scale, on a daily basis. Few of us lead such cushioned lives that we do not sometimes face challenges and change. What is so unique about resilience? Glantz & Sloboda (1999: p. 113) believe that part of the essential character of "resilience" seems to be that the positive outcome was unexpected ... a model or theory fails to accurately predict behaviour for some individuals. Hence, the level of difficulty faced by many children of parents with serious substance use problems is such that theory predicts they will develop problems in turn (Friedman & Chase-Lansdale, 2002).
Others have suggested that resilience is a basic human characteristic that might be lost in some individuals because of the depth of the problems they face, problems that lead to such a loss of confidence and self-esteem that their natural resilience cannot easily be instituted. Thus, the capacity for resilience is within us all; it is just hidden sometimes and needs teasing out. Bancroft et al(2004), who studied older children of substance-misusing parents, write that resilience did not necessarily mean growing up or being stronger: it involved creating space to focus on themselves and their needs, and to have fun, without responsibilities for others ... they were often having to relearn, or learn for the first time, the joys and pleasures of being young, or being able to focus on themselves and their own needs (p. 78). It is important to get it right in youth, because resilience, much like other traits and characteristics, is amenable to change in childhood, but starts to stabilise through adolescence and adulthood: if you get it right earlier, you are more likely to keep it right.
Interventions to build resilience are not concerned with developing something unusual: they are concerned with enabling young people to develop a characteristic that is inherent in basic human adaptational systems (Flynn et al, 2004). Interventions may therefore be more about raising awareness of the possibilities of resilience and putting into place strategies for promoting such resilience.
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Clearly both of these activities will involve not just the child, but the family and, possibly, wider social networks. There is a good body of evidence (not reviewed here) that interventions aimed at the family and social networks can also lead to positive therapeutic change (Copello et al, 2005, 2006).
Reducing risk
As we outlined above, a key finding is that promoting a safe and stable family environment (maintaining family roles and rituals, ensuring family harmony) is vital, and that the major risk factors relate to such family issues, as opposed to the drinking or drug-taking in themselves.
All of these major risk factors are amenable to intervention, even if the parental substance misuse is not at the time. This means that practitioners working with families in which parents have substance misuse problems should not necessarily focus their risk-reduction efforts on enabling the substance misuser to change (although, of course, if this is a possibility it should be encouraged). Instead, they need to work on:
These things seem to pose the greatest risk to the short- and long-term well-being of children. Moreover, they can all be worked on using the skills and techniques (conflict resolution, anger management, couples counselling, parenting skills training) that are available in most practitioners toolboxes.
Increasing protective factors and resilience
The second way that practitioners can help to promote resilience is to work on protective factors and resilience itself. As far as protective factors are concerned, clinicians can work with:
This work might involve direct intervention with other key adult figures, for example grandparents or teachers. In a qualitative study of 62 drug-using parents in Scotland, Barnard (2003) reported that the extended familys involvement in caring for the children and supporting the parents was pivotal to the childrens well-being. Most importantly, they found a clear correlation between the absence of such support and the child being taken into local authority care. These factors within a childs environment will mean that they are more protected and hence more likely to develop resilience.
Resilient children (and adults) share key characteristics: planning, high self-esteem and confidence, self-efficacy, the ability to deal with change, problem-solving skills, the feeling that they have choices and are in control, and previous experience of success and achievement. The task for practitioners, therefore, is to enable vulnerable children and young people to develop these attributes. Essentially, within the remit of a professional role that will dictate the level of contact with and responsibility for a child, practitioners can use this relatively basic knowledge of protective factors to contribute to the childs development of resilience. The practitioner needs to work directly with the children involved, enabling them to:
A key task of the practitioner in developing childrens resilience, then, is to help them to identify and build on their strengths, including the social support they can call on, enabling them to build meaning and motivation into their lives, helping them to acquire social skills that bring self-control, self-esteem and a sense of humour (Little et al, 2004), and helping them to reframe negative events and emotions into positive ones.
Obviously, interventions should take into account the age, gender and developmental level of the child. For example, it may be more difficult for younger children to seek external support: there may be problems with transportation, money, parents permission, protection and safety. Girls seem less affected by parental problem-drinking in the short term but if the situation continues then there is an increased likelihood of problems developing (Cleaver et al, 1999). Werner (1993) also found that individual disposition was more important for females, whereas external support was more important for males. Boys often feel that conflict is more of a threat to them, whereas girls tend to appraise conflict in terms of how it affects them and are more likely to blame themselves (Reynolds, 2001). The setting in which the intervention is undertaken can also be important: this work with children need not be conducted in individual counselling or case-work sessions: there is evidence that a group approach can be effective in promoting resilience in young people with stressful backgrounds, including parental substance misuse (Waaktaar et al, 2004).
Gilligan (2000) and Newman (2002) offer further and more detailed guidance on increasing individuals resilience. Although not written specifically for work with children who have experienced parental substance misuse, there is much within these two guides that is useful for such a situation.
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| Box 6 Key skills of psychotherapy and counselling For work with anyone (adult or child) the clinician needs to:
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Clearly, especially with younger children, such skills must sometimes be used slightly differently or alongside other techniques, such as art or play therapy. Clearly also, specific therapeutic techniques such as conflict resolution, couples counselling, parenting skills training, and so on may also be useful, as might therapeutic interventions aimed at enabling the adult family members to change (Copello et al, 2005, 2006). But the essential skills base remains the same. Overall, skilled helpers (Department of Health, 2004) use the same key core skills, irrespective of the age of the person with whom they are working or the number of people present in the room.
Responsibilities and holistic contexts
Even when practitioners have the skills, many feel that it is not their role to work with children, or families or parents with substance misuse problems. We take the view that we all have both clinical and moral responsibilities to think about the wider systems and not solely about our identified and referred patients. Indeed, the possibility that any case might involve child protection issues is a powerful argument for services to take a broader view of their remit. Hence, in any adult healthcare service, practitioners need to know whether the adult they are helping has children and family, and what impact that persons problems and behaviour may be having on those family members. Similarly, in child and adolescent services, practitioners must be alert to the influence on children of their parents problems. And alert does not simply imply onward referral. Very often practitioners need to intervene in a more holistic and systemic way, and not imagine that intervening with the child in the absence of their problem parents, or the adult in the absence of their wider family, will lead to a successful outcome: dealing with the impact of parents substance (or mental health) problems on their children is an issue not just for child and adolescent mental health services: it is the responsibility of all healthcare practitioners. The report on the inquiry into the death of Victoria Climbié, a child under the care of social services, made it clear that practitioners could no longer walk away from situations that might put anyone, child or adult, at risk (House of Commons Health Committee, 2003).
The key points here are that as practitioners we can intervene to help these children; and that the focus does not have to be on the parental substance misuse problem, but on promoting necessary beneficial factors in childrens lives. This is especially important: one of the main myths in the substance misuse field is that there is nothing that anyone can do (about anything) unless the substance misuser decides to change their substance misuse behaviour. This is entirely untrue: there is a very large amount of evidence that significant change can be brought about by focusing on other issues, and even by intervening with key family members in the absence of the substance-misusing adult (Copello et al, 2005). In the context of this article, which focuses on children, it is vital that practitioners do not get sidetracked into concentrating solely on parental problems: instead we must focus on the childs needs and how to meet them.
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More recently (Flynn et al, 2004) there has been a growing interest in positive psychology and post-traumatic growth, which has been defined as the potential for positive change through trauma and suffering (Linley, 2000). This approach focuses more on health and well-being and the positive aspects of lifes problems: on what keeps people healthy, rather than what makes them sick (Newman, 2002). This shift has included the emergence of the concept of resilience, both as a philosophical approach and as a practical way of understanding and working with people affected by a range of problems. Linley, for example, highlights research that has demonstrated positive adaptation following traumatic events as varied as the sinking of a cruise ship, life-threatening illness and sexual abuse.
The concept of resilience therefore introduces a new theoretical framework for thinking about the children of substance-misusing parents (Box 7
). Resilience is important because it implies that some children, even if they live in disadvantageous circumstances, either are resilient or have the capacity to become so. Thus, it is not a foregone conclusion that all children who live in such circumstances are, or will be, damaged. This has major implications for both intervention and policy. It suggests that intervention should not wait until a crisis is reached and damage is apparent. Neither should it focus solely on reducing risk factors. There is much that can be done early in the childs life to promote factors associated with greater resilience, and to encourage the development of resilience in children who are at increased risk of experiencing greater problems. As Werner (1993) argued, our examination of the long-term effects of childhood adversity and of protective factors and processes in the lives of high-risk youths has shown that some of the most critical determinants of adult outcomes are present in the first decade of life. Waiting for problems to occur often makes offering help more difficult. There are many policy implications here for greater and earlier preventive interventions.
Box 7 Traditional, risk-focused ideas about parental substance misuse
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Box 8 Key learning points
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MCQ answers
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