Harry Kennedy is consultant forensic psychiatrist at the Central Mental Hospital, Dundrum (Dublin 14, Ireland). His research interests include the epidemiology of homicide and suicide as related to deprivation and urbanisation, the organisation of forensic mental health services and the psychopathology of anger.
The syllabus for higher training in forensic psychiatry requires knowledge of the therapeutic uses of security, although there are no references to this in standard texts. Similarly, the process of mapping a mental health service is an essential first step in planning, audit and needs assessment. All mental health services, not just forensic services, are organised to stratify patients according to the risk they present so that they can be cared for in an environment that is safe but imposes the minimum necessary restrictions and intrusions. Forensic mental health services differ from other mental health services mainly by including subsystems which are at higher levels of security than those necessary in local services. Although they have a general orientation towards risk awareness and risk management, they remain integral parts of the mental health services for the populations they serve.
A history of the evolution of secure psychiatric services in the UK is given in the Butler report (Home Office & Department of Health and Social Services, 1975). An international perspective can be found in Bluglass & Bowden (1990). Definitions of secure services often rely on descriptions of services currently available, so that a given level of security is defined, by default, as that which falls between adjacent levels. Attempts are being made to define and validate the characteristics of groups of patients that may require elements of security as part of their care (Cohen & Eastman, 2000), but this is difficult to achieve without relying on current practice for validation in a circular way. Secure settings are found in general and forensic mental health services and in the independent sector. There is a wide variation between services, e.g. in the level of physical security in medium secure units. Published needs assessments all illustrate a considerable degree of inappropriate placement within the overall system, partly reflecting delays in transfer and partly due to the varied pattern of provision across the country.
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Continuity of responsibility is as important as continuity of care and it ensures the safe transition of individuals between levels of security. Services can best be organised so that multi-disciplinary teams have responsibilities across adjacent levels of security, within a given facility or across services.
Facilities should provide individuals with an environment that is least restrictive, safest, homely and local. Decreasing reliance on distant providers should therefore be a priority for service development. The sharing of information between agencies should take account of both public safety and confidentiality, and should occur to the extent that those with responsibility for treatment need to know.
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Environmental security
Measures for environmental or physical security are often installed, at high capital cost, to help manage public confidence. Table 1
summarises the constructional and hardware characteristics of high, medium and low secure units. A useful guide to best practice in the design and construction of medium secure units is given in a publication by the National Health Service Estates Agency (1999). The Royal College of Psychiatrists (1998) has published a set of recommendations regarding the quality and design of new acute adult mental health in-patient units. These emphasise the importance of ensuring that there is a high standard of maintenance and decoration as a tangible sign of respect for the patients detained within. There are theoretical grounds for believing that swift action on repairs and maintenance prevents a general increase in vandalism (Wilson & Kelling, 1982). Guides to standards for the physical environment were set out by the Special Hospitals Service Authority (Hinton, 1998). These have been revised with reference only to high-security units (Tilt, 2001).
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View this table: [in a new window] | Table 1 Environmental security (the features of lower security levels are assumed also to apply at higher security levels) |
| Box 1 Definitions of security (after Kinsley, 1998) Environmental security Design and maintenance of estate and fittings The staff necessary to operate them Relational security Quantitative: the staff-to-patient ratio and amount of time spent in face-to-face contact Qualitative: the balance between intrusiveness and openness; trust between patients and professionals Procedural security Policies and practices for controlling risk:
Specialist management arrangements Lines of responsibility:
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It is notable that, in general, long-term units require larger grounds within the secure perimeter and perhaps 30% more floor space per patient.
Relational security
Relational security is nearer to quality of care and is closely linked to resources or recurring (revenue) cost.
Medium-term units typically have high staffing ratios and intensive treatment programmes for all patients (Table 2
). There is a tendency for the larger units to have lower overall nurse-to-patient ratios, since their pre-discharge wards typically operate at lower levels of relational security. Larger units tend to have higher ratios of psychologists to patients, suggesting better organised specialist treatment programmes. There has been little research on these variations (Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1975). For long-stay units there are usually lower levels of relational security (lower staff-to-patient ratios), although some units compensate for this with higher levels of environmental and procedural security.
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View this table: [in a new window] | Table 2 Relational security (quantitative): mean staff-to-patient ratios for seven National Health Service medium secure units in London |
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View this table: [in a new window] | Table 3 Relational security guidelines (quantitative) |
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View this table: [in a new window] | Table 4 Procedural security guidelines |
Monahan (1993) has outlined a scheme for risk containment to reduce the incidence of violence and establish a standard for best practice. Risk containment includes risk assessment, risk management, documentation, policy and damage control. Powell (1998) describes both the broad and the specific problems dealt with as policy issues in institutions (e.g. the definition of seclusion) and also as management issues around changing institutional culture. Tilt (2000) has recently criticised the prevailing norms for procedural and physical security in high-security hospitals. The Tilt team recommended enhanced physical security to match category B prisons in the UK, including a greater emphasis on procedural security, with increased numbers of dedicated security staff, greater security training and more security audits. The extent to which this will permeate all secure hospital services remains to be seen.
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View this table: [in a new window] | Table 5 Mapping whole systems: security, length of stay and population served |
| Box 2 Mapping models Structures Stratified according to the risk currently presented by the patient; length of stay; pathways through care; specialised or generic Processes Ascertainment (e.g. screening services or referral routes); assessment; treatment; rehabilitation; continuing care (or transfer or discharge) (see also procedural security) Outcomes Hard outcomes:
Soft outcomes:
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Certain groups of patients may require additional specialised services organised at regional or supra-regional level, e.g. services for women, adolescents or those with learning disabilities.
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Research has recently shown that fewer patients are admitted on civil sections to Londons forensic services, and also that London has a higher proportion of restriction-order patients than do other regions of England (Coid et al, 2001b). At the same time, the numbers admitted to special hospitals are falling year on year (Jamieson et al, 2000). It appears that admission thresholds are drifting upwards in a responsive but unplanned manner, determined by availability of resources rather than any more objective criteria. By allowing the threshold for admission to secure services to become a flexible function of demand and available resources, an equitable service for all dangerous patients can be provided for a given region. However, thresholds can then become inconsistent between regions and they are disconnected from any guideline level of clinical risk or outcome measure.
Patients should be detained at no greater level of security than is necessary. This principle can be seen in the organisation of secure psychiatric services according to stratified risk. A secure environment must, within the limits of mental health legislation, restrict freedom of movement, access and communication, and it tends to intrude into areas that are normally kept private. Imposing a treatment plan on a patient who is incompetent to give or withhold consent can be justified ethically if, by so doing, the patient can receive services which restore him or her to mental health and, with it, to autonomy, responsibility and increased freedom (Eastman, 1997). The current level of detention should therefore be regularly reviewed under a clearly recorded risk assessment and clinical risk management plan (a treatment plan). This should be explicit about the treatments required and the markers for progress towards transfer to a lower level of security.
Risk assessment in a stratified systems
From a clinical point of view, all decisions to admit, transfer to a lower level of security or discharge can be reduced to a single triage process in which the patient is matched to the appropriate level of available security. In the real world, risk assessment is never separate from risk management; there are only varieties of triage decisions. From a statistical point of view, having a high threshold for admission enables subsequent clinical risk assessment and risk management to be more accurate, with fewer false positives, both by increasing the average risk within the selected patient group and by reducing the amount of variation in the patient population.
Recorded crimes of violence are much more common than homicide, by a factor of at least 200 for the general population (Kennedy et al, 1999), and the real rate of violence in the community is even greater. Violence should, therefore, be easier to predict than homicide or suicide, with extra services being targeted at about 11% of patients with severe mental illness (Kennedy, 2001).
It is wrong to assume that all groups of psychiatric patients are actually at the average level of risk for such patients on a national basis. The prevailing rate of violence in the community by patients with schizophrenia is already modified by risk stratification in mental health services. Snowden et al(1999) points out that three-quarters of patients under a restriction order are in hospital at any one time. Even for populations of patients defined by local sectors, most of those at the highest risk will be in hospital owing to acute relapses. For inner-city populations where violent crime is more common (Kennedy et al, 1999), a higher proportion will be in secure forensic units (Glover et al, 1999). In community forensic populations, the average risk of grade 1 or grade 2 violence (Table 6
) is higher than for patients in general psychiatric community services. For a test with a given sensitivity, the predictive value of the instrument improves as the prevalence of the disorder in the test population increases (Goldstein & Simpson, 1995). Stratification of risk, therefore, favours more accurate prediction of risk of serious harm in both forensic and general patient populations, by raising the average risk of serious harm in the forensic population while at the same time reducing the average risk of serious harm in the general psychiatric population.
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View this table: [in a new window] |
Table 6 Violence at presentation as a guide to security needed at the time of admission (NB: this should never be taken in isolation from the other factors listed in Table 8 |
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View this table: [in a new window] | Table 8 Dangerousness as a guide to security needed on admission (specialist forensic need is not necessarily correlated with dangerousness) |
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View this table: [in a new window] | Table 7 Signs of diminished need for security |
This long-standing structural risk management at the systems level may have been lost in modern sectorised CMHTs and small generic in-patient units. If general psychiatrists manage mixed populations of patients, most of whom are at a 1 in 10 000 per year risk of committing homicide, as Szmukler (2000) suggests, they may be unaware that a few of their patients are at a much higher risk. Even with little regard for risk management, most psychiatrists responsible for catchment populations of 30 000 to 50 000 would seldom experience adverse outcomes and they may be unaware of the risks they run in some cases. It follows that the mixing of all patients from a catchment area in small-sector generic services is bad risk management at the systems level. The commissioning of services at local or primary care level is similarly flawed. If plans are made for a population that is too small, the need to stratify some patients to specialised care for the higher, less common levels of risk will rarely arise and will never be anticipated. This can make risk assessment less accurate and risk management too diffused. These forms of functional risk-blindness are likely to be particularly hazardous in high-risk inner-city boroughs. A greater emphasis is needed on systems defences to harness human variability and to avert or mitigate the effects of errors and adverse outcomes (Reason, 2000).
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Gunn & Robertson (1976) published a system for profiling patients according to their criminal history. Shaw et al(1994) published a description of the clinical characteristics of patients in high-security situations and related these to placement needs. Many similar studies have followed. Coid & Kahtan (2000) have published a 4-point scale for describing patients according to severity of offence and levels of security on admission. The scale takes into account the patients status within the criminal justice system, specifically for England and Wales. Cohen and Eastman (2000) offer theoretical headings under which working admission criteria can be developed for research purposes.
Tables 6 and 8 summarise relevant guidelines for admission. They are derived from the panel rating process for 122 patients detained in high and medium secure units described by Pierzchniak et al (1999). It is not proposed here that Grade 1 violence alone automatically equates to need for high security, since other factors are also relevant. As outlined above, there is likely to be considerable variation between institutions and catchment areas which has more to do with local morbidity and resource allocation than any theoretical construct.
Guidelines for moving a patient to lower levels of security and eventually to community care are much more difficult to operationalise. It cannot be presumed that all patients will automatically progress within defined periods of time. Nor does the time spent at a given level of security without gross disturbance automatically indicate that the patient could be safely managed in a less secure place. Reasonable clinical criteria include evidence that dispositional, situational and mental illness factors relevant to the risk of violent behaviour are understood and are reduced by treatment, and that changes indicating risk could be monitored and managed at a lower level of security. This requires evidence that the patient is capable of engaging honestly in a positive therapeutic rapport with clinicians over sustained periods, that they tolerate intrusive clinicians and are open with them, that they accept some loss of autonomy in relation to treatment and the care plan generally, and that the patients friends and family can be fully engaged with the clinical team in future monitoring and treatment. Local and victim issues must also be taken into account and they can result in longer detention at higher levels of security than might strictly be necessary to manage risk. Table 7
summarises these considerations, again based on the panel ratings and discussions described in Pierzchniak et al(1999).
Continuity of responsibility
Moving a patient to a new placement or new clinical team is, in itself, likely to increase risk. Recommendations for taking such therapeutic risks are more credible if they are made by the clinicians who will take responsibility for the risk. Clinicians are sensitive to this and the decision to move the patient is more likely to be implemented quickly and successfully if the recommendation is made under these conditions. Failure to observe this ethical continuity often gives rise to conflict and undermines therapeutic relationships (e.g. R v. Mental Health Review Tribunal and Others ex parte Hall, 1999).
It is better to stagger the change in placement and clinicians. For this to happen, clinical teams should have responsibility for places at more than one level of security. The new team of clinicians can then establish rapport and trust with the patient before a further move is made down the ladder of security.
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Ascertainment services
Forensic mental health services typically provide psychiatric sessions to remand and dispersal prisons. The very large numbers of young men passing through the reception at remand prisons present a unique opportunity for health interventions in a high-risk group. Mental health needs are only a part of the problem, but the principal task should be to find those at increased risk of suicide and take appropriate action to reduce this risk (Birmingham et al, 1996), to identify those with severe mental illness and divert them to hospital and to provide rehabilitation services for those with addictions. These tasks are likely to overlap extensively. Since the greatest rise in suicides is among young men in inner cities and the very large remand population is predominantly drawn from these areas, it is likely that the remand prison reception centre is a common point of contact for many eventual suicides who will make no other contact with mental health services.
The growth of psychiatric diversion teams in magistrates courts has been described in detail by James (1999). These teams can be shown to greatly reduce the time taken to divert mentally disordered offenders to hospital, particularly when there is close liaison or overlap with the remand prison psychiatrists (Pierzchniak et al, 1997). It can be argued that the numbers of patients recently discharged from mental health services re-presenting via court diversion schemes, expressed as a rate per 1000 discharges from local mental health services, could be used as a measure of the success or failure of community mental health policies and services (Purchase et al, 1996).
The extension of liaison and diversion services into police stations, typically by providing specialist community psychiatric nurses, can be shown to further enhance diversion of mentally disordered offenders to psychiatric services while also offering advice on services to those with addictions. These services supplement the work of the forensic medical examiner in the police station. The initiation of Mental Health Act assessments in police stations rather than in hospital-designated places of safety remains a problem. This probably arises, in part, from a lack of resources to staff such hospital units safely, and perhaps also from neglect of patients stigmatised by their presentation through the criminal justice system.
Continuing care
Gunn (1977) distinguished between integrated and parallel forensic follow-up services for those discharged from secure hospitals. More recently, Snowden et al(1999) have described a hybrid model, in which all those leaving medium or high secure beds are followed in the community by forensic community teams with low case-loads (high relational security) and an assertive community treatment approach. Once the patient has been settled and stable in a long-term community place for 6 to 12 months, a planned and phased transfer of care to the local mental health team is completed.
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The definitions of levels of security given here are simplified guidelines only, but have been of benefit in planning and organising a catchment area service and in choosing appropriate placements for patients when these had to be out of area. The definitions and categories are also of some assistance in organising the operational policies for secure and other mental health units and broad services, particularly in relation to the resources required for risk management. The guidelines for transfer of patients from one level of security to another should also be taken to be flexible and for implementation only by experienced clinicians who can make an assessment of the individual patient. However, it is increasingly necessary to be able to communicate the form and content of such assessments as the basis of a clinical opinion when reporting to mental health tribunals, the Home Office and similar scrutinising authorities.
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View this table: [in a new window] | MCQ answers |
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This article has been cited by other articles:
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D. Semple and R. Smyth Chapter 17 Forensic psychiatry Oxford Handbook of Psychiatry, January 1, 2009; 2(1): med-9780199239467-chapter - med-9780199239467-chapter. [Full Text] |
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