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Panos Vostanis is Professor of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry at the University of Leicester (Greenwood Institute of Child Health, Westcotes House, Westcotes Drive, Leicester LE3 0QU, UK. Tel: 0116 225 2880; fax: 0116 225 2881; e-mail: pv11{at}le.ac.uk). In his National Health Service (NHS) capacity, he provides a mental health service for children looked after by local authorities, youth offenders and homeless families. The research projects on homeless children have been supported by the Nuffield Foundation (19961998), West Midlands NHS Executive Research and Development (19982000) and, currently, the PPP Healthcare Medical Trust.
Homeless families are defined as all adults with dependent children who are statutorily accepted by local authorities (housing departments) in the UK, and are usually accommodated for a brief period in voluntary agency, local authority or housing association hostels. This period varies from a few days to several months, although the target for rehousing is usually around 4 to 6 weeks. Some housing departments, particularly in London, also use bed and breakfast accommodation.
This definition is obviously fairly broad and does not include those children and their carers who have lost their homes and live with friends or relatives, on the streets, in squats or as travellers. For this reason, official statistics are not often accurate, although it is estimated that about 140 000 families in the UK fulfil these criteria each year (Vostanis & Cumella, 1999). Many of these families become homeless again within 1 year of rehousing. The average family comprises a single mother and at least two children (usually under 11 years), although there are a number of adolescents and fathers living in homeless centres.
On the whole, reasons for family homelessness are different from those for single homeless adults. The majority of families become homeless because of domestic violence and, to a lesser extent, harassment from neighbours. In our epidemiological studies (Vostanis et al, 1997), the corresponding figures were 50% and 25%. These very much depend on the type of accommodation, as most local authorities or voluntary organisations (for example, Womens Aid or Crisis Response) have hostels exclusively or predominantly for victims of domestic violence. The proportion of families who are refugees has fluctuated since the late 1990s. Initially, they were confined to the London area, but in the past few years their numbers have been rising in most parts of the UK. There is, however, an increasing tendency for refugees not to go through the above homelessness route. Similar trends in homelessness have been evident in other Western societies, mainly in North America (Weinreb & Rossi, 1995; Bassuk et al, 1996; Better Homes Fund, 1999).
| Characteristics and needs |
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Studies have looked at a range of health needs among homeless children and their parents. Not surprisingly, a number of problems appear to cluster in this population. In particular, the children are more likely to have a history of low birthweight, anaemia, dental decay and delayed immunisations, to be of lower stature and have a greater degree of nutritional stress. They are also more likely to suffer accidents, injuries and burns. Some studies have found that child health problems increase with the duration of homelessness, although this finding is not consistent. A substantial proportion of homeless children have delayed development compared with the general population of children of a similar chronological age. This includes both specific developmental delays, such as in receptive and expressive language and visual, motor and reading skills, as well as general skills and educational status (Page et al, 1993; Webb et al, 2001).
| Mental health problems and disorders |
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Homeless adolescents and street youth are likely to present with depression and attempted suicide, alcohol and drug misuse, and vulnerability to sexually transmitted diseases, including acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). Two major studies of this group in London (Craig et al, 1996) and Edinburgh (Wrate & Blair, 1999) found significant histories of residential care, family breakdown, poor educational attainment and instability of accommodation. These were associated with sexual risk behaviours, substance misuse and comorbid psychiatric disorders, particularly depression. A high proportion of homeless mothers also have similar psychiatric disorders, again primarily depression and substance misuse. Prevalence rates of 4550% have been reported (Connelly & Crown, 1994; Zima et al, 1996; Vostanis et al, 1997). These are similar to rates found among single homeless women (Adams et al, 1996).
| Access to services |
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The same applies to social services (access teams, family teams and family support units) and other community agencies. Homeless children are also more likely to be out of school, to avoid being traced by a violent ex-partner or because of the distance from the hostel (particularly in large cities). Parents may wait until they know where they are to be rehoused before registering the children with a new nursery or school. Nurseries and primary schools in the proximity of hostels usually have a high pupil turnover, with resulting high costs, and there are often limited vacancies for short periods (Power et al, 1995). These problems are compounded for refugee children. The outcome is that children miss out on their only source of social stability, i.e. their peers, their routines and a sense of achievement, which are important protective factors.
Apart from the organisational problems in accessing services, considering the frequency of child protection incidents and registrations, children may also be at increased risk because of a lack of continuity and information transfer as they often move between different parts of the country and local social services departments may not be aware of their previous history or be informed of it sufficiently well in advance.
These family and service characteristics inevitably have an impact on any potential contact with mental health services. They are less obvious for adults with mental illness, who may be known to local services. However, psychiatric cover of a hostel can be a contentious issue, as residents can be classified as having no fixed abode. The local service may argue that this population substantially increases the number of referrals and therefore requires extra resources. Areas with such additional resources usually target them at the single adult homeless population, where it is more likely that there will be individuals presenting with severe mental illness. It is more difficult to provide cover for parents with depressive or anxiety disorders, self-harm and substance misuse. In our research (Cumella et al, 1998), homeless mothers had a 49% prevalence rate of psychopathology and an 11% rate of contact with mental health services in the previous year, compared with the corresponding rates for children of 30% (need) and 3% (contact with child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS)).
Child and adolescent mental health services are undergoing an unprecedented change, seeking to improve their accessibility and response to the general population by distinguishing between different levels of intervention (Box 1
). Adopting such a service model is even more important for homeless children who cannot at present access services structured around stability and waiting lists for assessment and treatment. Ways of addressing these problems are discussed below.
| Box 1 The three tiers of intervention in child mental health Tier 1 Primary care, predominantly for children with behavioural and low-severity emotional problems Tier 2 The interface between primary care and professionals from specialist multi-disciplinary teams for psychiatric and developmental disorders Tier 3 Specialist multi-disciplinary teams for psychiatric and developmental disorders
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| Setting up a new service |
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There are many central and local government initiatives that could be relevant and provide new resources, in partnership with the local CAMHS rather than through exclusive CAMHS funding. These include Health Action Zones or grants for urban regeneration. Such cooperation will obviously depend on the preferred direction of the service. Policy-makers, senior managers and practitioners from all partner agencies need to meet at regular intervals through a multi-agency steering group to monitor and facilitate the contribution of each agency.
Two service models are described below, one adopting a mental health outreach approach and the other a family support service with broader operational criteria.
| Mental health service objectives |
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Because developmental, physical health, educational and social care needs coexist, this indicates that liaison and consultation between agencies are important to serve those undergoing a period of homelessness.
This cooperation is also a pre-requisite for establishing appropriate agency involvement in the familys next area of residence. This may involve domestic violence or adult mental health services, the education welfare officer, health visitor, parenting groups, social services access team and the local area CAMHS.
Brief interventions can be provided in appropriate cases, preferably starting at the hostel and continuing after rehousing. Family and individual therapy modalities need to be applied for different client needs, rather than relying on family stability. This is an important factor in engaging homeless families. Parent-training programmes in both the community and hospital-based CAMHS have been found to be effective for treatment of behavioural problems in young children (Harrington et al, 2000). Brief psychotherapy and cognitivebehavioural therapy are also effective for children and adults with PTSD (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 1998). These are fairly common among victims of violence (McCloskey & Walker, 2000). Training, at the appropriate level, of front-line (Tier 1) and hostel staff involved with these families is another important objective of a mental health service. This will enable consistent management of, for example, child behaviour problems in the hostel and at school, and will hopefully generate change when the family is in its next stable placement.
Outreach child mental health service model
A designated community child psychiatric nurse (CPN) (or clinical nurse specialist) provides regular outreach sessions at identified centres for homeless families in Birmingham (Tischler et al, 2000). However, a flexible response is available, if necessary. The CPN is based at the local CAMHS and has some involvement in the generic (catchment area) service. To avoid screening every admission, referral criteria have been established, either in relation to mental health concerns in parents and children (including learning disability) or through identification of high-risk families (victims of domestic violence and established or suspected child protection issues).
A weekly inter-agency meeting is held at each hostel, when all families are discussed. Direct work with children and families is bounded by constraints resulting from the brief length of stay and the complexity of psychosocial problems. Despite the limited period of involvement, direct work and treatment can be effective. Parents and staff are given time-limited behavioural therapy or advice on how to deal with the childrens aggressive behaviour, bedwetting or sleep problems. Children who have experienced major trauma are offered brief supportive psychotherapy during this family transition (Box 2
).
| Box 2 Objectives of outreach mental health services for homeless children Identification of child mental health problems of clinical significance Mental health assessment Treatment:
Liaison with other agencies Consultation with other agencies Referral to local mental health services after rehousing Training for hostel and multi-agency front-line (Tier 1) staff
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There are many similiarities between this model and established outreach adult mental health teams for homeless people (Commander et al, 1997). The model is strengthened by its links with the local CAMHS and the level of experience and skills of the post-holder. However, the overwhelming demand for assistance with problems outside the mental health area has caused difficulties. These include help with housing applications and benefits, nursery and school placements, initiation of special needs educational assessments and, particularly, child protection matters. The service would benefit from an additional post with a social work capacity to undertake these duties.
Homeless children receiving such a service were found to have significantly fewer behavioural problems at 6-month follow-up, i.e. after rehousing, compared with matched homeless children from hostels without access to the service (Tischler et al, 2002). Qualitative methods suggested that families and hostel staff were positive about the outreach service. It is interesting to note that positive experiences of the service often included a combination of practical help with psychotherapeutic work. As when working with other groups of socially deprived or excluded people, mental health staff may need to provide a more tangible support in parallel with the application of more traditional psychotherapies. This contrasts with specialist services, where it is easier to use an abstract framework from the onset of treatment.
Family support service model
A Tier 1 service with a family support team (four family support assistants) has been developed in Leicester. This is designed to detect a range of problems at the time of crisis; manage a degree of mental health problems (behavioural and emotional); provide parenting-training; support and train housing (hostel) staff; coordinate the work of different agencies; and provide some continuity after rehousing by ensuring intake by appropriate local services. The family workers are based at the main hostel for homeless children and families. Other, predominantly voluntary, services have established alternative posts, such as advocates and key workers. Whatever the title of the post, it is essential that the post-holder has some experience and ongoing training in mental health and child protection, so that he or she can hold a substantial case-load, rather than merely mediate between already limited services.
The family support workers in Leicester have direct access to the local child and adult mental health services, whose staff provide weekly outreach clinics. Their role is to work with the family support workers and other agencies, assess selected children and families, and provide treatment for more severe problems or disorders such as de-pression, self-harm and PTSD. A weekly inter-agency liaison meeting at the main hostel is attended by a health visitor, representatives of the local domestic violence service and Sure Start, and a CPN for single adult homeless people. There are also close, regular links with education welfare and social services. The aim is to effectively utilise specialist skills by discussing family situations from all perspectives at the liaison meeting. A bimonthly steering group, led by the housing department, involves senior managers representing these agencies, as well as the education and social services departments and the voluntary sector, and they oversee and coordinate the service.
| Case vignettes |
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The two girls had been brought up by their father as the mother had left the family when L was 11 months old. The family had moved around the UK and had been homeless. The father had chronic alcohol dependence and was frequently admitted to hospital for detoxification, during which time, L took responsibility of all the household tasks. She had been coping well at school, which she continued to attend while at the hostel.
On assessment, L presented with a grief reaction (tearful, hearing her sisters voice and seeing her image) and with several depressive features, mainly depressed mood, irritability, sleep disturbance and loss of appetite. There was also some indication that she could be developing an eating disorder. While at the hostel, she was followed up by both the family support worker and the child psychiatrist and, after rehousing, was referred to the local CAMHS. Her teachers and GP were alerted to the high risk of deterioration or relapse. The father was re-referred to the drug and alcohol service, from which he had previously lapsed.
Case 2
P is a 29-year-old single mother with two sons, A (aged 6) and R (aged 8). The family had become homeless after recurrent domestic violence from Ps partner (who was not the childrens biological father). So far, she had declined to prosecute him or seek help as she was very frightened. The children had witnessed the violence and had become very anxious and insecure and would not let their mother out of their sight. The partner managed to keep contact with P, even during her stay at the hostel. On several occasions, the staff saw bruises on her arms and face, but she would give no further information.
Both children had learning difficulties, particularly R, who had been given a statement of special educational needs. The mother was very concerned about As behaviour. He was aggressive and overactive and had already been suspended from school on a number of occasions. She had threatened to place him into care. P felt depressed, suicidal and unable to cope, believing that it was all her fault.
As the hostel placement was not thought to be sufficiently safe, the family was transferred to a womens aid refuge (for victims of domestic violence). The family support worker started a brief programme of parent training with the family while they were at the centre and the mother was seen by the CPN and a domestic violence officer. Social services were involved because of the direct and indirect risks to the children. The family support worker also worked closely with those at the boys school. Following rehousing, the social worker, the domestic violence officer and the CPN remained closely involved. The parenting programme continued at the local family centre, which also organised after-school and holiday activities for the children.
Both of the above case studies are fictitious.
| Conclusions |
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Another cause for concern is the lack of local and national coordination in developing services for homeless families. A national mechanism for advising, monitoring and coordinating local forums, and a national database on clients and services are a realistic goal for central and local government. It is recognised that cultural and local organisational characteristics will need to be taken into account and that a range of service models will evolve within a national framework. For this reason, ongoing research evaluation should be an integral component of all new services.
| Multiple choice questions |
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| References |
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This article has been cited by other articles:
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