Peter Byrne is senior lecturer in social and community psychiatry at Royal Free and University College London Medical School (Department of Psychiatry and Behavioural Sciences, Holborn Union Building, Whittington Hospital, London N19 5NF, UK. E-mail: p.byrne{at}ucl.ac.uk). He is a former chair of the Public Education Committee of the Irish College of Psychiatrists and chairs the media group of the Changing Minds (anti-stigma) campaign. A film studies graduate, he devised and produced the short film 1 in 4 (http://changingminds.co.uk), which achieved nationwide cinema distribution. In 2002, he programmed the Colleges Mind Odyssey film festival, which began at Riverside Studios in London before touring to Bristol.
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Psychiatrists may resist this article on the grounds of lack of scientific rigour, media overload and fear of contamination. What follows is not always science. At times, it is about trends, not facts, reasons, not causes, and subjective evaluations of others perceptions. Despite these limitations, we can examine how form changes constantly, but content (themes) and mechanisms (the news cycle, cross-fertilisation between media, the obsession with celebrity, commercial pressures, self- and state-censorship) remain constant. I focus here on four main media formats, but similar mechanisms are found in interplay in the arts and in the invisible media of the advertising, fashion, popular music, video games and computer industries. Because we are already passive recipients, deconstruction of some of the parts should reduce the feeling of media overload. In his classic essay The Uses of Literacy, Richard Hoggart (1958) wrote:
There are many who feel that "they know all the arguments about cultural debasement", and yet can take it all remarkably easily. Sometimes they confess to a rather pleasant ability to go culturally slumming, and "to enjoy looking at the now and again". I wonder how often this ease arises from the fact that that, though they may know all the arguments, they do not really know the material and are not closely acquainted with the mass-produced entertainment which daily visits people. In this way it is possible to live in a sort of clever mans paradise, without any real notion of the force of the assault outside. (p. 344)
Many wish to avoid the dumbing down that Hoggart describes. His argument, which is almost 50 years old, is strengthened by the exponential growth of mass communications, which he could not have predicted. We cannot separate our lives or our patients lives from the media, and informed consumption is preferable to being consumed. There are compelling reasons why we should be aware of the force of the assault outside, avoid isolating ourselves from the opinion-formers in the media and, notwithstanding the oft-quoted remarks of Osler (see below), play an active role in the content of what the public consumes.
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In general, most contributors to these publications are familiar with their style and content. By contrast, disposable print has a greater variety of style, tight deadlines and it feeds a public perceived to be hungry for news. Several themes reflecting the divergent priorities of permanent and disposable print media are mirrored in the professional differences given in Box 1
. Psychiatrists (with few exceptions) are reluctant to comment on individuals or supply instant commentary in reaction to the latest headline. Psychobabble about presumed motivation could be called Steve Davis syndrome, after the famous snooker player as Steve prepares to pot this red ball, hell be thinking about the blue one he missed in the third frame. Yet it is usually newspapers that are the target of any catch-all complaint about the media and they feed the perception of a hostile media in the minds of professionals. In a BMJ review of three UK newspapers over 21 years (Ali et al, 2001), the proportion of negative stories about doctors remained constant, but the space allocated increased by more than three times as total coverage of health matters rose. When Williams et al(2001) catalogued public ignorance of the work of psychiatrists, it could have been that neutral or positive stories failed to inform, were seldom read or soon forgotten. The Uses of Literacy (Hoggart, 1958) was written at the beginning of a surge in readership of UK newspapers (an increase of 50% for daily newspapers and of 100% for Sunday newspapers). By the 1980s, sales of daily and Sunday newspapers had fallen by 400 000 and 900 000, respectively, with tabloid titles outselling broadsheets: the public liked its newsprint straight and simple (Dickinson, 1990). Although only a minority of the public reads a newspaper each day, it is the newspapers that set the news agenda and provide television news with its stories and its key personnel. For the latest newspaper trends and reliable figures for newspaper sales, The Guardian continues to host the best website, at http://media.guardian.co.uk.
| Box 1 The functions and approaches of two different professionals Media worker Psychiatrist Fiction (faction) Non-fiction Narrative-based Evidence-based Creative: artist Clinician: scientist Reactive (deadlines) Contemplative (more research needed) Commercial pressures: sell papers or increase ratings Pressures of public service work: care of both individual patients and wider responsibilities Plain speaking Jargon and acronyms Guardians of the public interest Guardians of the public Anti-authority Authority figure Open: the publics right to know Closed: keeper of secrets
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The power and influence of the media on suicidal behaviour have been a key subject of debate over many years. Public attitudes to suicide (decriminalisation of suicide and reduction of its taboo status) have become more empathic, and although suicide rates are falling, they remain high. Yip et al(2000) report that in England and Wales, 59 608 people took their own lives over a 15-year period. Although psychiatrists should encourage open discussion of suicide among individuals and in a wider media context, there are specific concerns when fictional and real suicides are represented in the media. Schmidtke & Häfner (1989), in an extensive review with 131 references, examined the influence of the mass media, predominantly news media, on suicidology. The evidence for imitation (with regard to explicit details of method and celebrity suicides) proved conclusive, thus retrospectively justifying the American Academy of Medicines first proposal for press constraints in 1911 (Schmidtke & Häfner, 1989). Two subsequent studies have examined the relationships between print media and the choice of suicide method. Etzersdorfer et al(1992) showed how attempted and completed suicides on the Viennese underground railway have been reduced to single figures after the media were given guidelines for reporting suicide. The total number of completed suicides for the city has been cut by 13%. These local press guidelines did not ban suicide reports, but achieved shorter, non-sensational items, which were rarely placed on the front page (Etzersdorfer et al, 1992). Marzuk et al(1993) identified the direct influence of a suicide instruction manual on at least 14 out of 144 completed suicides in New York City all with specificity of method (asphyxiation and poisoning). However, in response to concerns about links between irresponsible reporting of suicides and possible imitation, Kessler et al(1989) examined 12 years of US network news but found no evidence of a doseresponse relationship. Either way, in omitting details of the suicide method and toning down previous excesses, the press now behaves responsibly, with rare lapses.
Lawrie (2000) reports that psychiatry in general gets a bad press in the UK, compared with medicine, with little difference found between broadsheet and tabloid coverage. However, where medicine has a bad doctor focus, psychiatry has a bad patient angle. There are codes of conduct in place for journalists, but these do not address difficulties that are unique to clinical practice (White, 2002). Most initiatives, such as the UK Governments Mindout Guide to Open-Minded Coverage of Mental Health (http://mindout.net), are targeted at journalists and headline writers, usually subeditors. The language of mental illness is well-documented (Walter, 1992; Wahl, 1995; Philo, 1996; Byrne, 2000b) and it is a truism that if you want to change the culture, first you must change the language. The most effective way of achieving this is with consistent people first language, e.g. a man with schizophrenia rather than a schizophrenic (Penn & Nowlin-Drummond, 2001). Confusion about psychiatric terms is not always the fault of the journalist: former Home Secretary Jack Straws comments on Osama bin Laden demonstrate that he did not understand the difference between psychosis and psychopathy, despite his claim, reported in an interview in the The Times (6 November 1002: p. 6), that he was picking [his] words with care here because whenever you use the language of mental illness, you get letters from people. His mistake was corrected on the same page by the papers medical columnist, Dr Thomas Stuttaford. Unfortunately, coverage by other newspapers and most broadcasts of Straws remarks failed to correct his mistake.
In many ways, as a profession, we get the media coverage that we deserve. The worst inventions of the media are paralleled by the history of bad ideas in psychiatry (Byrne, 2000b), perpetuated by the perennial shyness that psychiatrists have of the media (Salter & Byrne, 2000). Proactive approaches are successful. In Norway, a coordinated press campaign reduced the duration of untreated psychosis in Rogaland county from 118 to 26 weeks (http://tips-info.com).
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The evolution of television news is worth particular examination. Although the next section focuses on film and video, I would like to mention here two mainstream US films Network(1975) and Broadcast News(1987) that satirised this culture. Network showed the descent of a television newsreader (Peter Finch) into psychosis. However, its depiction of astrologist Cybil the Soothsayer on the nightly news pales alongside Channel 5s (cartoon) news bunny. Equally, in Broadcast News, the rapid promotion of himbo (the male bimbo) non-journalist William Hurt a fine example of the television newsrooms hairspray ethics as described by Postman & Powers (1992) now seems tame as the reality has overtaken the satire. Television news employs the straight and simple tabloid style, where human interest is always the story (Box 2
): if it bleeds, it leads. Rather than raise standards, 24-hour news (or newsak as former UK Member of Parliament and journalist Martin Bell dubs it) has become background noise, a continuous bland selection of insubstantial hors doeuvres as described in the tag line from televisions Day Today, news from telly to belly. Postman & Powers (1992) saw these negative trends as unstoppable and concluded that we should watch substantially less news and scrutinise its language, politics and commercial interests. Some 15 years ago, Karpf (1988) predicted the decline of science programming and its amalgamation into current affairs. Psychiatrists Berlin & Malin (1991) described their experiences of trial by television, where confidentiality prevented them from engaging with a hostile local media. Noel Coward described television as something for appearing on not for watching, but in many instances, psychiatrists should do a careful risk-benefit analysis before appearing on television news (Box 3
). The Glasgow Media Group quantified UK television news coverage of all mental health issues for April 1994 and found that 70% of this was associated with violence (Philo, 1996). In mental health promotion, television in general, and television news in particular, is a major reservoir of stigma.
| Box 2 What makes something newsworthy? It is consistent with known facts (even the outlandish must fit with public perceptions: UFOs have been described). It offers an interesting angle (it is novel and it alters known facts: e.g. a medical breakthrough, a crisis or blunder, X speaking out against Y) It has human interest (from celebrity tales to the guy next door (it could be you); striking a chord) It is educational, in a loose sense (it evokes an I didnt know that response in both the journalist and the public) It is informed (although the definition of who is an expert is very loosely applied)
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| Box 3 Checklist prior to agreeing to a media interview Why me? Is it because I am the best person, or the first one (perhaps the last on a list) that the journalist has managed to contact? Am I the right person to answer questions on this subject? Is there someone who has more expertise or is more up to date? Balance your false modesty with the ease with which less-qualified people might do this interview in your place. Refer the request on if necessary, e.g to the Royal College of Psychiatrists External Affairs Department (020 7235 2351, ext. 127 or 154) What is the angle? If you do not identify or provide the angle, the journalist will Are there any ethical (patient consent and confidentiality), professional (sensitive work issue) or legal (court case pending) considerations? Also, beware Steve Davis syndrome Am I familiar with this publication/programme and its format? How likely is it to trivialise or sensationalise the subject? Television is a fast and deceptive medium. It is not for the media novice and, usually, is the preserve of psychiatrists with either great media savvy or supreme lack of insight Print: do I trust this journalist sufficiently to make off-the-record remarks? Broadcast: do I have a choice between a recorded (less stressful) and a live (the editorial control becomes mine) broadcast? Write down three key points now and reduce them down to the shortest format. Discuss them with colleagues in case you have overlooked a critical point Phone the journalist back. Get the most up-to-date information about the topic and phone a non-medical friend to advise you on your presentation. Then record the item Analyse the recorded item with colleagues and a non-medical friend. Did you achieve your objectives? Consider a follow-up call to the journalist flattery gets you everywhere.
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Children in the USA watch television for at least 25 hours every week, or 30% of their waking time. This amounts to 19 000 hours by school-leaving age and compares with a total of 13 000 hours of schooling in a lifetime (Postman & Powers, 1992). In addition to investigating the physical effects of this sedentary behaviour and the emotional consequences of spending more time in televisual rather than human, even parental, company, many studies have examined links between programme content (manifest or latent) and behaviour. Klein et al(1993) found an association between contact with the mass media and self-reported risk behaviours in 2760 US adolescents. The risk behaviours, which included stealing, substance misuse and sexual activity, correlated with total television and radio consumption an average of 40 hours every week for each medium in this survey population of 14- to 16-year-olds but causal links could not be proved (Klein et al, 1993). Despite previous research claims, suicide rates are correlated not with television ownership, but with wealth (Lester, 1994). Given the quantity and multiple forms of media contact, it is not surprising that the search for negative psychological outcomes following specific programmes has been largely fruitless. When a popular UK programme (BBCs Casualty, with 15.5 million viewers) featured a rapidly fatal paracetamol overdose, this had no impact on regional parasuicide trends (Simkin et al, 1995). However, using similar methods, a later study found that national rates of paracetamol poisoning doubled when the same programme showed the serious consequences of paracetomol overdose in an RAF pilot (Hawton et al, 1999). There are further methodological problems in researching the effects of violence. The concept of children as vulnerable viewers has been accepted, and an association has been established between exposure to television and aggressive behaviours (Villani, 2001). Wilson et al(1999) performed a content analysis of prime-time dramas and confirmed the perennial representation of mental illness as violence, although in percentage terms this was less common than in previous studies (Wahl, 1995; Philo, 1996). Direct engagement between the service users and professionals and the programme makers behind the scenes has enormous potential benefits. Television can perform a major public service when care is taken: for example, characters such as Joey Rainbow in Australian TVs Home and Away (http://www.sane.org/stigmamediahomeaway.html) and Joe Wicks in BBC TVs Eastenders (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/health/430859.stm) give realistic representations of schizophrenia.
Radio is sometimes regarded as televisions poor relation. Programmes are cheap to make and consume but have great flexibility. Although radio is less influential in developed than in developing countries, Western adolescents do listen to it more as they get older (Klein et al, 1993). The availability of radio on the internet improves international access, and recent developments in digital radio could further boost the number of listeners. One review reported that radio is the most cost-effective way to promote mental health (Austin & Husted, 1998), and anti-stigma initiatives in Canada employed modular radio slots (http://www.camh.net/journal/journalv2n2/myth_schizophrenia.html). Radio is a perfect entry-level medium for the novice; it remains the easiest medium to understand and is especially conducive to the exploration of mental health issues. After a television interview, viewers will remember what you were wearing. With radio, listeners will recall what you said.
Reluctance by professionals to enter the media fray is not new. Sir William Osler warned colleagues in 1907 that:
In the life of every successful physician, there comes the temptation to toy with the Delilah of the Press daily and otherwise. There are times when she may be courted with satisfaction but beware, sooner or later she is sure to play the harlot and has left many a man shorn of his strength, viz. the confidence of his professional brethren (quoted by Karpf, 1988: p. 3).
Oslers advice is still relevant to those psychiatrists who seem unable to decline a media interview, either on the basis of knowledge or ability (Box 3
), and television appearances are the best example of this. Radio, by contrast, is well within the abilities of us all and local radio is a highly effective way of modifying a centralised news agenda. Over the past 15 years members of the College who wish to gain access to the media have been supported by the Colleges External Affairs Department. The problem is that too few psychiatrists give interviews: genuine experts are always preferable to the usual suspects. We know the benefits of patient education and there are compelling reasons to extend these efforts to public education (Byrne, 2000b). Box 3
provides a checklist for participation in an interview. Facts always help, and the Mental Health Foundation (1999) and government statistics (http://statistics.gov.uk) are good primary sources.
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Imagine a large, subterranean place, like a cavern. Inside are men who have lived there since childhood, all in chains and forced to look at the back of the cave. Behind them in the distance shines the light of a fire. Now try to imagine men walking past a low wall holding up statues of wood and stone. The chained men see only the shadows the fire projects on the wall. They would mistake for reality the shadows of reality.
These words, experienced within that films reality, hint at the potential of the medium. Is this Platos Cave, a cinema metaphor or more? Freudian, and latterly Lacanian, theory runs like a computer virus through cinema itself and retains the dominant role within film studies (Turner, 1992).
Cinema frequently gets it right when it portrays the experiences of alcohol and substance misuse, grief, difficulties in relationships, autism and dissociative identity disorder. Many mental health training courses in the USA have film clubs, in which trainees are shown popular films as discussion points and some authors advocate cinema as a teaching aid for psychopathology (Wedding & Boyd, 1999). Open discussion of films that fail to reach the psychiatric quality mark provides opportunities to examine all aspects of our clinical practice and the ways in which we are perceived from outside.
There is a dearth of research into the use of films in therapeutic settings and we should be cautious of the latest US trend of therapeutic films, which are prescribed for certain populations of patients (Hesley & Hesley, 1998). When cinema gets it wrong, it not only offends the sensibilities of psychiatrists but also propagates stereotypes of mental illness that range from fakers and narcissistic parasites (Gabbard & Gabbard, 1999) through the comedic to psychokillers (Wahl, 1995). The potential learning exercise here goes beyond lessons in complaining to a broader understanding of the medium and its processes. Equally important is the wider context of film distribution. The Omen(1976) had a marketing budget ($6 million) that was double its production costs (Turner, 1992), and the studios spent $30 million promoting Godfather Part III(1990). Even a tasteless film like Me, Myself and Irene(2000) generated a wide debate about schizophrenia and resulted in enduring alliances with service-user groups (Byrne, 2000a). In 2002, two films, Iris and A Beautiful Mind, resulted in valuable free publicity for psychiatrys two most neglected illnesses, Alzheimers disease and schizophrenia. They will provide useful teaching aids for years to come because of their critical and commercial success coupled with their release on video. The College now includes film sessions at its annual meetings and owns the copyright to the anti-stigma film 1 in 4 (http://rcpsych.ac.uk/campaigns/cminds/oneinfour.htm), recently adopted by the World Health Organization for screening in 52 countries.
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Because of the ease of publication, the internet can be a source of misleading information. Lissman & Boehnlein (2001) found poor-quality information and bias on 178 depression-related sites. Similar findings on the lack of quality assurance produced a protracted correspondence in the BMJ (http://bmj.com/cgi/eletters/321/7275/1511). The internet is a combination of the best and the worst of print media (imagine a newspaper without an editor to scrutinise items or a readers editor to correct errors) and it includes images and sounds. Opportunities abound for obfuscation and pseudoscientific research (Patel, 2001). Imagine, too, a library where the librarian happily accepts every book and pamphlet, neglects to assign them to any particular section and is incapable of throwing the worthless, the outdated and the obscure texts in the bin. It is an instructive exercise to sample the range of antipsychiatry sites, not least those sponsored by scientology (http://scientology.org/reform/new/75psych.htm). Given the variety and democracy of the internet, you can also read how scientology is hoisted with its own petard (http://demon.co.uk/castle/media). Inevitably, there have been case reports of internet addiction, anecdotes of kidnappings and worse. New media will repeat the mistakes of their predecessors but, by any standards, they provide the fastest and cheapest way of mass communication. Our profession needs to be aware of the concerns of allied organisations (Box 4
) and the quality of information online.
| Box 4 Internet addresses of UK organisations Organisation Internet address Alzheimers Society http://www.alzheimers.org.uk Alcohol Concern http://www.alcoholconcern.org.uk Alcoholics Anonymous http://www.alcoholics-anonymous.org.uk Release (drug users advice service) http://www.release.org.uk Depression Alliance http://www.depressionalliance.org Manic Depression Fellowship http://www.mdf.org.uk Eating Disorders Association http://www.edauk.com National Phobics Society http://www.phobics-society.org.uk Rethink (formerly know as the National Schizophrenia Fellowship) http://www.rethink.org Mindout (UK Government site) http://www.mindout.net The new Mental Health Bill (2002) http://www.doh.gov.uk/mentalhealth/legislation.htm Mental Health Foundation http://www.mhf.org.uk Mentality (mental health promotion) http://www.mentality.org.uk Changing Minds (anti-stigma) campaign http://www.changingminds.co.uk
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