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Adrian Feeney is a specialist registrar on the South West forensic rotation, presently working at Fromeside Clinic (Blackberry Hill Hospital, Manor Road, Fishponds, Bristol BS16 2EW, UK. Tel: 0117 958 3678; fax: 0117 958 5477; e-mail: Adrian.Feeney{at}awp.nhs.uk). His clinical interests include mental health law and substance misuse.
| Abstract |
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... there is, however, a group of dangerous and severely personality disordered individuals from whom the public at present are not properly protected ... there should be new legislative powers for the indeterminate, but renewable detention of dangerously personality disordered individuals. These powers will apply whether or not someone was before the courts for an offence.The Home Secretary Jack Straw, House of Commons, February 1999 (Straw, 1999)
The White Paper Reforming the Mental Health Act. Part II: High Risk Patients (hereafter referred to as the White Paper) identified these individuals as dangerous and severely personality disordered (DSPD) (Department of Health, 2000). This phrase has been attacked as a neologism that has no legal or medical status (Farnham & James, 2001). However, DSPD is not mentioned in the Draft Mental Health Bill and this may be as a result of such criticism. Despite this, the draft Bill does have the scope to detain those who pose a substantial risk of harm to others (Department of Health, 2002: Clause 6(4)).
| The problem |
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| The link between violence and personality disorder |
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| Box 1 Moral insanity In 1835, Pritchard lsited the ofllowing as characteristics of moral insanity
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The place of personality disorder as poor relation of mental illness was propagated by Kochs construct of psychopathic inferiority, which he described as a constitutional degeneration. More recently, Cleckley described psychopathy. In his book The Mask of Sanity, he theorised that those who suffer from psychopathy appear sane but have profoundly disordered thinking (Cleckley, 1941). He outlined the syndrome of psychopathy and described its abnormalities in interpersonal, affective and behavioural symptoms (Box 2
). However, Lewis (1974) has criticised such attempts to categorise abnormal personality as disheartening ... and characterised by therapeutic gloom.
| Box 2 Features of psychopathy (Cleckley, 1941) Interpersonal Superficially charming Grandiose Egocentric Manipulative Affective Shallow, labile emotions Lack of empathy Lack of guilt Little subjective distress Behavioural Impulsive Irresponsible Prone to boredom Lack of long-term goals Prone to breaking rules
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Hare, working with male offenders and forensic inmates in Canada, attempted to identify the most diagnostically useful of these features and to operationalise them into a standardised tool, the Psychopathy Checklist (PCL), which was later revised (PCLR) (Hare, 1991). The PCLR rates clinical notes and informants with or without interview on 20 features of psychopathy, which are rated on a three-point scale (0, 1 or 2), giving a maximum possible score of 40. Hare emphasises that the PCLR was originally designed to identify psychopathy rather than as a risk assessment tool. However, Hare has published data to show that those with PCLR scores greater than 30 had significantly higher rates of recidivism (Hare et al, 2000). It has also been shown that this group had adverse treatment outcomes (Rice et al, 1992).
The closest clinical constructs to that of psychopathy in the two major diagnostic systems are dissocial personality disorder in ICD10 (World Health Organization, 1992) and antisocial personality disorder in DSMIV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The DSMIV has arranged the personality disorders into three clusters, on the basis of empirical observation (Table 1
). Of those who fulfil personality disorder criteria, those in cluster B are likely to be most disruptive.
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Seventy-eight per cent of male remand prisoners, 64% of sentenced male and 50% of female prisoners in one survey of penal institutions in England and Wales were shown to fulfil the criteria for personality disorder (Singleton et al, 1998). These inmates were also more likely to have previously supported themselves financially by crime. There is, however, some circularity in diagnosing dissocial personality (which includes disregard for social rules and norms) and previous criminal behaviour in the same individual.
| Culpability and personality disorders |
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| Treatability and personality disorders |
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| Legislation in England and Wales |
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Section 2 of the Crime (Sentences) Act 1997 provides automatic life sentences for those convicted of a second serious offence. This act also made provision for the courts to impose a prison sentence and at the same time order the immediate transfer of the defendant to hospital (a hospital direction). The Criminal Justice Act 1991 allows for sentences that are longer than usual where issues of public protection arise. Thus, a variety of legislative vehicles are already available to detain those thought to pose an ongoing risk on an indefinite basis.
The White Paper Justice For All (Home Office, 2002) proposed indeterminate sentences for those who commit violent and sexual offences, which at present do not attract a life sentence, but are deemed to be dangerous, stating such offenders should remain in custody until their risks are considered manageable in the community. A parole board would consider release after the minimum tariff had been served.
The MacLean Committee in Scotland was established in order to consider the sentencing and management of serious sexual and violent offenders. This committee suggested that there should be an order of lifelong restriction for those (both with and without mental illness) likely to pose an ongoing risk to the public and that there should be a mandatory assessment of risk and a new body to oversee this process (the Risk Management Authority). An order of lifelong restriction would ensure that once the prisoner had served the tariff, release would only be granted if it were thought that the risk of further offending had been reduced to acceptable levels. Such release on licence would be terminated if there were any concern regarding risk (Darjee & Crichton, 2002). These suggestions have been incorporated into the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Bill, which is awaiting Royal assent.
Coid & Maden (2003) have recently argued that England and Wales should develop a coherent strategy for high-risk individuals led by the criminal justice system, with psychiatry in a secondary supporting role, similar to that proposed for Scotland. The Fallon Report suggested the creation of reviewable sentences for convicted prisoners with personality disorder (Fallon et al, 1999). A recent survey showed that this was supported by 63.4% of forensic psychiatrists (Shooter & Cox, 1999). Such reviewable sentences would not require psychiatrists to sanction the extension of imprisonment.
Lessons from abroad
The Dutch terbeschikkingstelling (TBS; to dispose of) service was designed to protect the public from recidivists who suffer from defective development or pathological disorder of mental faculties, which include personality disorders (over 50%) and psychosis (27%) (McInerny, 2000) (Table 2
). Within the health service TBS runs in parallel to the forensic psychiatry service, which deals primarily with organic and functional psychiatric disorders. TBS orders are usually imposed in combination with a prison sentence, not unlike hospital directions. They are of an indefinite duration although on average patients spend about 4 years in the programme. The assessment and treatment components of the service are separate. Unfortunately, there are no outcome studies of the TBS service available.
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Thirty-eight US states use the death penalty for those convicted of first-degree murder. The prosecution can submit evidence in the form of actuarial risk assessments to demonstrate the likelihood of reoffending to the presiding judge. Detainees deemed to be insane are protected under the US Constitution and are transferred to hospital for treatment, to be returned for execution if they recover.
In Canada, any offender guilty of a violent or sexual offence, which receives a tariff of greater than 10 years and is thought to have a greater than 50% risk of reoffending receives a dangerous offender order. This is an indeterminate prison sentence, and few of those on this order have been released. South Africa has a similar approach.
| Treatment models available in the UK |
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The Personality Disorder Unit at Arnold Lodge
The Personality Disorder Unit is a 10-bed unit situated on the same site as Arnold Lodge, a regional secure unit in Leicester. It offers a 2-year programme to sentenced prisoners with personality disorder predominantly under section 47 of the Mental Health Act 1983. All the patients are volunteers and if they do not engage, they are sent back to prison. The service attempts to reduce risk by treating the personality disorder. After the initial assessment period, a treatment formulation is produced that attempts to link aspects of the individuals personality with the offending. This serves as the basis of the treatment programme. Treatment is then targeted at areas of deficit. New skills such as anger management, problem-solving and controlling substance misuse are introduced in sessions and consolidated in the ward milieu.
| The Governments response: reforming the Mental Health Act |
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This White Paper defined the DSPD group as those who show a significant personality disorder, present a significant risk of causing serious physical or psychological harm from which the victim would find it difficult or impossible to recover (e.g. homicide, rape, arson) and in whom the risk presented appears to be functionally linked to the personality disorder.
| The Draft Mental Health Bill |
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Like the preceding White Paper the Draft Mental Health Bill lacks the sexual deviation and substance misuse exclusions from the mental disorder category, and would thus facilitate the detention of paedophiles. It does not go so far as to advocate powers to manage behaviours arising from mental disorder although it has been argued that a broad definition of medical treatment may well include this (Birmingham, 2002).
Sugarman (2002) has interpreted the change to the phrase medical treatment from treatment in hospital to preclude preventive detention on the grounds that it cannot be argued to be a treatment, since it provides no benefit to the individual concerned. One of the conditions of detention in the Draft Mental Health Bill is that appropriate medical treatment is available. Both these features may be cited as reasons not to engage a patient in much the same way as the treatability clause of the Mental Health Act 1983 is at present.
DSPD services
The consultation paper Managing Dangerous People with Severe Personality Disorder (Department of Health & Home Office, 1999) proposed two options for the development of DSPD services (see Box 3
). After a period of consultation the majority of interested parties preferred option B. The Government set aside £126 million for a 3-year programme (20002003) of development of specialist services for DSPD (Department of Health, 2000). The original proposals were for 320 new places in prisons and the NHS, and 75 step-down hostel places.
| Box 3 Options proposed for managing individuals categorised as DSPD Option A Amendment to criminal justice legislation to allow for the greater use of discretionary life sentences Amendment to the Mental Health Act 1983 to remove the treatability criterion for civil detainees Services continue to be provided in specialist facilities in both prisons and secure mental health services Option B New powers in civil and criminal proceedings for the indeterminate detention of DSPD individuals (including powers for supervision and recall following detention) Individuals held in a new service separately managed from the mainstream prison and health services the third service
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By October 2002, 36 assessment beds and 56 intervention beds were available at Whitemoor prison. Beds at Frankland prison and Rampton hospital are scheduled to be available from late 2003 and those at Broadmoor hospital by the end of 2005 (Table 3
). There are discussions regarding the hostel places, but as yet no firm announcement has been made. Whitemoor prison is to be an independently evaluated pilot project of DSPD assessment. Studies regarding the interrater reliability of the assessment tools are being undertaken. At present, the assessment programme is 16 weeks long but is anticipated to be streamlined and shortened.
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The DSPD programme has already commissioned a variety of research projects to study the above and also aetiological factors and early intervention in antisocial personality disorder. This programme is to be scrutinised by a new body, the Expert Advisory Group. Research into the efficacy of treatment will be hampered by the small sample sizes and the long follow-up periods required.
| The personality disorder strategy document |
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| Pilot schemes |
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The Prisoner Cohort Study (led by Professor Jeremy Coid) has been set up to assess a battery of tools that could be used to rate personality disorder (Table 4
). A useful discussion of these tools can be found in Dolan & Doyle (2000). The Historical/Clinical/Risk Management 20-item scale (HCR20) is an example of structured clinical judgement, i.e. it is standardised with reference points to populations. The HCR20 comprises 10 historical, 5 clinical and 5 risk items that have been shown to have good interrater reliability and to be predictive of future violence (Webster et al, 1997). Both the PCLR and the HCR20 are being assessed in a retrospective study of discretionary lifers to establish if they are able to predict violent recidivism.
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Treatment
Initial priorities for the multi-disciplinary team will be engagement and motivational work; subsequent key areas include interpersonal skills and offence-related work.
The Rampton DSPD pilot project will be working with a dialectical behaviour therapy model (Palmer, 2002). The existing Rampton personality disorder service mainly caters for men with borderline personality disorder and already uses dialectical behaviour therapy. The model involves a mixture of motivational work and attempts to equip the patients with new skills in their areas of deficit. One crucial difference between the patients in this programme and the DSPD group is that they must have shown recognition that they have a problem and show interest in treatment.
The Broadmoor pilot is to use a cognitivebehavioural approach with sex offenders and there is to be a research project investigating the efficacy of anti-androgen therapy in this group. Both the Whitemoor and Frankland pilots will be cognitivebehavioural in approach for those who have committed violent offences.
| Possible problems with the DSPD concept and services |
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The Royal College of Psychiatrists has commented that the increasing use of the term severe personality disorder in the context of offenders reflects a growing reluctance to use the term psychopathy (Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1999). This use of the phrase severe personality disorder differs markedly from its original definition (Tyrer et al, 1994). Neither DSMIV nor ICD10 has any way of recording the severity of a personality disorder. Coid & Maden (2003) have recently commented that personality disorder is merely a euphemism for psychopathy.
The trend to provide psychological explanations for societys problems has resulted in demands to ascribe more and more behavioural disturbance to mental disorder. The use of medical diagnoses such as personality disorder in this way may be unhelpful as it encourages abdication of responsibility.
The Governments use of the acronym DSPD has subtly changed since the publication of the Draft Mental Health Bill. No longer is it used to describe a group of patients, rather it is the title of a programme for those whose severe personality disorder is ill-served by currently available services.
Dangerousness is an outmoded concept
Dangerousness best describes the action rather than the individual and is transient and dependent on circumstance. As a concept it has been superseded by assessment of risk. Psychiatrists are unable to control many of the factors that influence dangerousness. Furthermore, there is little evidence that treatment of a personality disorder, if possible, would reduce the level of dangerousness.
The problem of prediction
There is an unrealistic expectation that psychiatrists are able to predict violent and sexual crime in those they assess and that they are therefore able to protect society. Buchanan & Lesse (2001) reviewed all journal articles since 1970 that gave estimates for the sensitivity and specificity of tools used to measure dangerousness. Sensitivity is defined as the proportion of actual offences predicted as offences by a test. Specificity is defined as the proportion of true negatives predicted by the test as negatives. In the 21 studies available, the mean sensitivity was 0.52 and the mean specificity was 0.68. Using government figures, they calculated that the base rate of violence of those detained in special hospital or prison and fulfilling the criteria for DSPD was 9.5% in the first year (had they been in the community). Using these figures, they calculated that in order to successfully prevent one of those deemed to fulfil the criteria for DSPD from offending in a 1-year period, five others, who would not have offended, would have to be detained. They described this as the number needed to detain (NND) in order to prevent one offence (in this case six).
Engagement with DSPD services
By their very nature, individuals in the DSPD group will prove difficult to engage in treatment. For those detained by the DSPD services, the prospect of indeterminate incarceration may lead to even less cooperation with the system, a downward spiral of bad behaviour and an adverse effect on the therapeutic milieu. A core feature of the successful treatment of DSPD individuals at the Henderson hospital is empowerment of individuals to take responsibility for their own actions. A restrictive environment is unlikely to be conducive to such an approach. Personality disorder treatment programmes such as those of the Henderson hospital and Arnold Lodge have thus far focused on those who have opted into treatment rather than those who have had it forced upon them.
The legal dilemma
The Government has claimed that the DSPD proposals are fully compliant with the Human Rights Act 1998. The proposed legislation would allow the detention of an unconvicted individual with personality disorder if there were significant risk of future serious offending. Some have seen the detention of the unconvicted as a serious breach of the individuals rights under Article 5 of the Human Rights Act (prohibition of unlawful detention) (Gunn & Holland, 2003). Others have countered that only those with evidence of incidents which could have led to convictions would be dealt with in this way (Otten, 2003). Birmingham (2002), in his commentary on the Draft Mental Health Bill, noted that the drive to detain within the DSPD service on the basis of unsound mind (Article 5) is now losing favour. The rights of the detainee under Article 5 (right to liberty and security) and Article 8 (right to respect of private and family life) must be weighed against the rights of the public under Article 2 (the right to life).
Ethical problems
Detention in the DSPD service will carry with it a heavy burden of stigma, which will run counter to Standard 1 of the National Service Framework, that health and social services should combat discrimination against individuals and groups with mental health problems and promote their social inclusion (Department of Health, 1999).
The detention of an individual solely for public protection also lacks reciprocity: the detainee has a right to some benefit in exchange for the loss of his freedom. Furthermore, the obligation to share information with other services and thus reduce patient confidentiality may discourage patients from presenting themselves to psychiatrists. Perversely, the very measures designed to reduce the risks to the public may alienate the target group, make monitoring more difficult and ultimately leading to increased risk.
Impact of DSPD legislation on general psychiatry services
The creation of services to detain individuals with personality disorder who are deemed to be a risk to the public is likely to have an impact on general adult psychiatry services. Those who have undergone an assessment for the DSPD service (within the forensic service as set out by the recent government guidelines on personality disorder services) and have been found to be sub-threshold for both the DSPD and the proposed regional personality disorder services are likely to return to a general psychiatry ward. There are concerns that the added workload for the general services would not be matched by increased funding. Staff from the already stretched existing services may well be enticed away to the new well-resourced services. Such significant investment to reduce the risk of violence might be better spent on targeting those who misuse substances with and without comorbid psychiatric disorder. In its defence, the DSPD programme claims that it will be a specialist service dealing with a t most a few hundred patients and not having any knock-on effect on the workload of the adult services.
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| Multiple choice questions |
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| References |
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